The Narendra Modi thread

[The Outsider]

Just read in today's TOI' date=' Gujarat is this year also number one in Agricultural Growth with 19.5 % growth.[/quote'] Does that "growth" factor in the 5,000 Sikh farmers kicked out of their land?

[seedhi]

Does that "growth" factor in the 5' date='000 Sikh farmers kicked out of their land?[/quote']Not a single farmer has been evicted. The matter is pending in the Supreme Court.

[The Outsider]

Not a single farmer has been evicted. The matter is pending in the Supreme Court.

But the state government is fighting a case to evict them, right?

[Macj]

If this country can ever be restituted, vote for the BJP hold Congress accountable for all those ABCD scams, if BJP fails to deliver bring the other party in , fine tune the political system until scams and poor performance are met with electoral defeat. 65 years of near uninterrupted Congress power has almost destroyed the country.

[seedhi]

But the state government is fighting a case to evict them' date=' right?[/quote']Many states (including Gujarat) have laws which prohibit out of state farmers from buying agricultural lands. The whole issue was created by the Congress which initially allowed the Sikh farmers to settle but did not create the laws to allow for their legal land possession. The matter will be decided by the Supreme Court. The state government has assured that no farmer will be displaced but the legal case has to be resolved by the Supreme Court.

[BeautifulGame]

Modi conference in Trichy (30 min drive from my place) .Reports are that more than 3 lakh people have already enrolled (ticket cost 10 rupee) to attend it.If true it will certainly be much bigger than any conference Congress had in the recent past.Will show how much Charisma and popularity he really has outside of BJP heartlands .Hopefully he makes his speech in English. And also there are rumors in local media that Amma is really pissed off at Modi for having it at Trichy as it is her own constituency.Wonder how much this will affect chances of post poll alliances between Amma and BJP

[The Outsider]

Many states (including Gujarat) have laws which prohibit out of state farmers from buying agricultural lands.

These farmers did not "buy" land in Gujarat. They made it tillable - it was not agricultural when they went there. And no, Gujarat does not have any restriction of people buying agricultural land.

The whole issue was created by the Congress which initially allowed the Sikh farmers to settle but did not create the laws to allow for their legal land possession. The matter will be decided by the Supreme Court.

Why is Modi fighting tooth and nail against it, granted Congress should have enacted a law giving them unambiguous ownership?

[seedhi]

These farmers did not "buy" land in Gujarat. They made it tillable - it was not agricultural when they went there. And no' date=' Gujarat does not have any restriction of people buying agricultural land.[/quote']There is a 1973 circular which is interpreted by the Gujarat govt that non-state farmers will not have the same ability to buy agri land and in state farmers. I just gave the example of Haryana where a similar case is going on. My guess is that states will try to safeguard the interests of the farmers of their respective states, or at least ensure that they have the proper legal framework for doing so.

[The Outsider]

There is a 1973 circular which is interpreted by the Gujarat govt that non-state farmers will not have the same ability to buy agri land and in state farmers.

LOL! "Is interpreted" by the Gujarat government whose interpretation has been quashed by the HC and is subjudice in the SC is being presented by you as a fact that Gujarat laws prohibit out of state people from buying agricultural land?

I just gave the example of Haryana where a similar case is going on. My guess is that states will try to safeguard the interests of the farmers of their respective states, or at least ensure that they have the proper legal framework for doing so.

Forget Haryana, that is being ruled by the evil Congress. Let's talk about Gujarat, Modi and his stance on the 5000 farmers he wants to evict. Do you agree with his premise for eviction?

[seedhi]

LOL! "Is interpreted" by the Gujarat government whose interpretation has been quashed by the HC and is subjudice in the SC is being presented by you as a fact that Gujarat laws prohibit out of state people from buying agricultural land?

There was a similar case earlier in the Gujarat HC which upheld the very same interpretation - being that "agriculturist" means a farmer in Gujarat and not an out of state farmer. There are two contradictory HC interpretations and it is reasonable to go the to SC.

Forget Haryana, that is being ruled by the evil Congress. Let's talk about Gujarat, Modi and his stance on the 5000 farmers he wants to evict. Do you agree with his premise for eviction?

There was no eviction of any farmer or even eviction notices served. All that was done was that the land records were frozen by the govt (to prevent sale) till the issue was resolved. The farmers went to the HC against this freeze (and not any threat of eviction). Again, no one has been served any eviction notice.

[Yoda-esque]

Here's the article: http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Gujarat-ahead-but-Rajasthan-surprise-second-in-agri-production/articleshow/22831865.cms Well done also to Rajasthan.

What? No response? Accha passitive news hai na isi liye

[The Outsider]

There was a similar case earlier in the Gujarat HC which upheld the very same interpretation - being that "agriculturist" means a farmer in Gujarat and not an out of state farmer. There are two contradictory HC interpretations and it is reasonable to go the to SC.

How do you define out of state? Those people have been there for 40 years and in all probability most of the land is in the name of people born and brought up in Gujarat. When they took over the land, it wasn't even agricultural, so the ruling of the other case does not apply.

There was no eviction of any farmer or even eviction notices served. All that was done was that the land records were frozen by the govt (to prevent sale) till the issue was resolved. The farmers went to the HC against this freeze (and not any threat of eviction). Again, no one has been served any eviction notice.

Regardless, eviction or not. What is your opinion? Should the farmers be allowed to stay or be evicted? Or at least the rights of land be taken away from them? Let's hear it.

[seedhi]

How do you define out of state? Those people have been there for 40 years and in all probability most of the land is in the name of people born and brought up in Gujarat. When they took over the land' date=' it wasn't even agricultural, so the ruling of the other case does not apply.[/quote']Not all of the land was bought 45 years ago. A lot of the land was actually bought in 2006, perhaps by out of state farmers. The Gujarat govt has made it clear that under no circumstances will any of these farmers who have been tilling the land for long be displaced or evicted. The matter is sub-judice and the court will decide their status. It is better this issue is finalized by the SC so that it does not crop up again a decade down the line. IMO none of the farmers who have been tilling the land for substantial amounts of time should or will be displaced. The issue of re-selling the land (to non-farmers or out of state farmers) in the future can however be looked at.

[The Outsider]

Not all of the land was bought 45 years ago. A lot of the land was actually bought in 2006' date=' perhaps [b']by out of state farmers.

Proof?

The Gujarat govt has made it clear that under no circumstances will any of these farmers who have been tilling the land for long be displaced or evicted.

LOL! The Gujarat government is fighting a case against them in the Supreme Court, for government to have the rights over the land. What they say for lip service is irrelevant.

The matter is sub-judice and the court will decide their status. It is better this issue is finalized by the SC so that it does not crop up again a decade down the line. IMO none of the farmers who have been tilling the land for substantial amounts of time should or will be displaced. The issue of re-selling the land (to non-farmers or out of state farmers) in the future can however be looked at.

So, the government is going to regulate to whom and if you can send your land to?

[seedhi]

Proof?

That was the original goal, to freeze the land records and determine legitimacy of the ownership of land.

So, the government is going to regulate to whom and if you can send your land to?

Yes, agricultural land sale/purchase is regulated.

[bulbul]

Praising the NDA government led by Atal Bihari Vajpayee and LK Advani, he said, "Atal Bihari Vajpayee's six-year term as Prime Minister is an example for the nation. Not only people of this country but also the world saw that 21st century is India's century. After NDA left the office the dream shattered," Modi said.

The Gujarat Chief Minister also praised the BJP leaders in Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh and Madhya Pradesh - the states which will elect new assemblies later in 2013. "Madhya Pradesh has generated more power under Shivraj Singh Chouhan than Congress did during their regime," the Gujarat Chief Minister said.

So theory of Modi is self-centered is put to rest by great man himself http://ibnlive.in.com/news/2014-polls-will-not-be-fought-by-parties-but-by-the-people-for-their-dreams-modi/423774-37-64.html

[bulbul]

Regarding the theory [No idea its true or false] of Modi evicting Sikh farmers also shows that he doesn't target only Muslims as seculars pungi bajaoing everyday.

[adi B]

Bulbul back :woot: .. Nano namoh..

[adi B]

Advani chewtiya has nothing to lose from here. He is being a Haraami and spoiling (trying to spoil) BJP's decision to hail Modi as their Prime ministerial candidate, but in doing so, he is spoiling his own image in front of the people. I don't give a **** if it Advani. I would expel him from the party. I don't know why would BJP want him? For his elderly image to attract the NDA, yeah he does have good relations with the alliance, but this is a bit too much. I think Shiv Sena, and even MNS will join hands with Modi, Amma in TN may join hands an so will AD in Punjab. I think even Mamta who has been craving for the third front will join hands with Modi (Highly unlikely but it may happen). And the surprise would be if Laloo join hands with BJP (he do not intend to, but again he may).

:hysterical:

[Sachin=GOD]

The BJP’s ‘akla chalo’ challenge VIDYA SUBRAHMANIAM India’s political history shows that since 1984, there has been no unified national vote, nor has a government been formed without a significant coalition. Will Narendra Modi defy this trend?

A peculiar contradiction marks Indian politics today. On the streets of metro cities and even smaller towns, only one name is being heard: Narendra Modi. His connect with the young and the middle classes is becoming increasingly apparent — in the crowds that turn up to hear him, in the frenzied support he commands in cyberspace, and in the fact that he is being projected as a leader with his pulse on the future. The significance of this in a rapidly urbanising and demographically young country can hardly be overstated. Gravitational pull When an emerging mass leader generates this kind of buzz, he exerts a gravitational pull on politics as a whole. A case in point is V.P. Singh, whose popular appeal brought the entire Opposition to his door. Importantly, corruption was the biggest campaign point against the Rajiv Gandhi regime, as is the case with the United Progressive Alliance government today. However, unlike then, the pulsating following the Bharatiya Janata Party’s Prime Minister-in-waiting commands has not translated into a discernible political shift towards him and the BJP. Indications so far are that Mr. Modi has set the opposite impulse in motion. Indeed, the Gujarat Chief Minister’s presence at the helm has undone the one achievement that brought the BJP to power: coalition building. The BJP is back today to the pre-1998 isolation that frustrated its government-forming efforts, and which isolation only ended when it surrendered the very thing that defined the party — its core Hindutva agenda. Reaching power through alliances also meant backgrounding the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, the BJP’s father organisation distinguished by its regressive outlook towards modernity, women and minorities. In 2013, the RSS is not just back, it has decreed and ensured that Mr. Modi’s elevation takes place. This itself is hard to reconcile with the image that is being crafted for Mr. Modi. His national projection is of a modern and aspirational leader but he seems to exist at the pleasure of a mentor seen as a polar opposite to these ideas. The BJP had walked a lonely path until 1984, when it acquired the Shiv Sena as its first ally. A whole 12 years later, in the 1996 general election, it made a vital breakthrough in the form of seat adjustments with the Samata Party, now the Janata Dal (United), and the Haryana Vikas Party. Post-poll, a fourth member, the Shiromani Akali Dal, came on board. That election was a watershed moment in Indian politics with the BJP displacing the Congress as the single largest party with its own career best tally of 161 seats. And yet, neither that stunning feat nor a first invite from President Shankar Dayal Sharma set off the expected rush towards the BJP, which bowed out of office in 13 days with the Akali Dal as its sole conquest. The message to the BJP was clear: with Hindutva-RSS in the forefront, it could not win friends for all the inducements in the world. The man who changed things around for the BJP was none other than Lal Krishna Advani. Though the Ayodhya warrior had consciously taken the backseat to Atal Bihari Vajpayee in the 1996 election, he realised that the change of face had deluded none among the BJP’s potential partners. Thus began the marketing of Brand Vajpayee: the reinvented Atalji was a middle-roader, a moderate who had wearied of the Hindutva baggage, who disdained the RSS, and who, if need be, would jettison the party’s core agenda. It took two further years for the strategy to fructify but fructify it did. Mr. Vajpayee went into the 1998 general election with 8 major allies who included, incredibly, the All-India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam. Post-poll, another ideological opponent, the Telugu Desam Party, was won over and the first BJP-led government was born. The National Democratic Alliance was founded on the agreement that all Hindutva demands would be dropped, and in the pre-term general election held one year later, more parties, among them the atheist Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam and the Jammu & Kashmir National Conference, hopped on to the BJP bandwagon. But as it gradually became clear to the BJP’s allies, the change they saw in the party was cosmetic. The 2002 Gujarat violence started the process of rethink in the allies, who, though slow to depart the coalition, did depart, and in each instance citing the Gujarat violence as the reason. The first to go, in 2002, was Ram Vilas Paswan’s Lok Jan Shakti Party, followed the same year by the National Conference. By 2004, the NDA had unravelled. And unbeknown to the BJP, another winning alliance was taking shape under Sonia Gandhi. Today the BJP has only two allies, the Shiv Sena and the Akali Dal, both in ideological sync with the party. But unlike in 1996, when the BJP was torn about being shunned, in 2013 it is glorying in being alone. The RSS is pressing the BJP to be unapologetic about its original agenda. The Sangh has also made it clear that any potential partner would come to the BJP on the party’s terms, the exact reverse of 1996-1998 when the Atal-Advani pair sought partners on terms set by the latter. The calculation obviously is that Mr. Modi’s early projection will trigger an infectious voting frenzy, enabling him to single-handedly pull off a BJP victory. If this happens, the Gujarat Chief Minister will be the first since V.P Singh to have set off a personality-induced wave. But for all the adulation he commanded, Mr. Singh was nothing without the political support he got. His own Janata Dal was formed by merging the Jan Morcha with the Janata Party and the two factions of the Lok Dal. The Janata Dal and a phalanx of regional parties together formed the National Front which was in turn supported in government by the BJP and the Left parties. So Mr. Singh’s illusory single-handed victory was a product in fact of support at every stage from a conglomerate of non-Congress parties. Not just this. The spectacular Opposition unity could not decimate the Congress, which swept the south against all predictions. The Congress won 39 of 42 seats in Andhra Pradesh, 27 of 28 seats in Karnataka and 14 of 20 seats in Kerala. In Tamil Nadu, the Congress-AIADMK combine won 38 of 39 seats. The south defied the `VP’ wave, initiating the trend of fragmentation that persists to this day. Indeed, the last nation-wide wave, which was in reaction to Indira Gandhi’s assassination, was in 1984. Since then the regional parties have become stronger, resulting in different regions voting differently. The consequence of this has been to prevent any one leader from being able to win an election entirely on his or her own strength. Even in the aftermath of Rajiv Gandhi’s assassination in 1991, the Congress did not win a majority. Every single government formed since 1991 has been a coalition government. The BJP’s two big successes, in 1998 and 1999, were products of alliance making. In 1998, three significant alliances contributed to the party’s overall tally of 182 seats. The BJP for the first time picked up three seats in Tamil Nadu via its ally, the AlADMK. In Orissa, it hit the jackpot in combination with Naveen Patnaik’s Biju Janata Dal. As many as 30 of the BJP’s seats in this election came through vote transfers by allies. In 1999, the BJP had five successful pre-poll alliances — in Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Orissa, Tamil Nadu and West Bengal. Of the BJP’s 182 seats, as many as 45 came through vote transfer by its allies, the TDP, the JD(U), the BJD, the DMK and the Trinamool Congress. Need for allies The truth is that there is no unified national vote today, and for all the bluster of the RSS, the BJP will need allies and will seek allies. Some potential partners such as the Rashtriya Lok Dal and the TDP are admittedly under cadre pressure to align with Mr. Modi’s BJP. Yet consider the current picture in Parliament. For obvious reasons there was across-the-board political consensus on the need for a food security legislation. However, the UPA’s draft bill itself met with wide opposition. There was not one non-UPA party that did not want an amendment pressed. The Left and the BJP wanted the bill further radicalised with universal rather than targeted coverage of beneficiaries. So logically speaking, at least the BJP-Left amendments should have gone through. Instead, all the amendments were defeated. One of Sushma Swaraj’s proposals was defeated 241 to 109 votes and one of Murli Manohar Joshi’s amendments was defeated 284 to 117 votes. In other words, the BJP was unable to ensure the full presence of its own MPs, forget those of its two allies, when its amendments to an important bill came up for voting. How did the minority UPA manage 284 votes when no party was in agreement with its bill? Seven months before the big fight, and notwithstanding the UPA’s down-in- the-pits status, the political congregation is around the Congress alliance rather than the BJP alliance. If Mr. Modi manages to win the election by himself, or even by winning over new allies, he will have beaten the odds and rewritten India’s political history.

http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/the-bjps-akla-chalo-challenge/article5150917.ece